Archive for the ‘Middle East’ Category

This subject’s always been on my mind, but I felt that I really have to write about it after the 25th of January and how the former president and his gang succeeded in making many of our fellow Egyptian citizens turn against us and our revolution. I started with searching about definitions of Brainwashing (AKA Mind Control) and how it started and when, so bear with me a little during this short journey through definitions and historical background.

Brainwashing is a forcible indoctrination to induce someone to give up basic political, social or religious beliefs and attitudes and to accept contrasting regimented ideas or the application of a concentrated means of persuasion, such as an advertising campaign or repeated suggestion, in order to develop a specific belief or motivation. Alternatively, it simply refers to a process in which a group or individual “systematically uses unethically manipulative methods to persuade others to conform to the wishes of the manipulator(s), often to the detriment of the person being manipulated”. The term has been applied to any tactic, psychological or otherwise, which can be seen as subverting an individual’s sense of control over their own thinking, behavior, emotions or decision making. The world started talking about it during the Korean War and after many American soldiers became defected to the enemy’s side after becoming prisoners of war.

Now allow me to proceed with ordered questions and answers.

Who supported Mubarak?

1-        Climbers, parasites and those who have a relation of “mutualism” with the regime.

2-        Emotional people (and they are too many, unluckily). Those who love the person of “Mubarak” as an Egyptian figure and idol, those who shed tears during his speeches and a word can turn their opinions 180 degrees.

3-        The Brainwashed, and they had several flags, each represents one of the lies or viruses installed on their brains as I’ll explain later.   

What were the means of brainwashing during the reign of Mubarak?

I guess everyone knows the answer of this question, in a third world country like Egypt you don’t have many choices, people are simple and so are the means of brainwashing them. Media in general; TV, radio, newspapers. Simple means don’t necessarily mean simple techniques.

What are the most common techniques followed?

Repetition:  A simple but very effective way, it’s even used in Marketing! Make the customer see your product every second on TV, hear about it every second on the radio, read about it in every newspaper and his mind will accept it and want to buy it, same concept.

One of the techniques they depend on (and Egypt is such a fertile land for it) is making a rumor out of something they really want to do and it’ll find its way to every Egyptian ear in few hours! Your sister tells you and you tell your friend who tells his mother who tells her aunt and so on, at some point you’ll hear the rumor everywhere you go and for many days then sooner or later you accept is as a fact. Example: They wanted to make Mubarak the son the future president of Egypt and they released a rumor, the rumor spread and began to be part of every Egyptian discussion for months and years till some people surrendered and began to accept it as a fact, as a reality, fait accompli.

Assault on identity:  They kept focusing on the ancient Egyptian Pharaonic heritage and identity and did marginalize other eras or periods when councils or those elected or loved rulers existed, they kept consolidating the idea of the worshipped ruler with all the powers, the god king, they make you totally in peace with Totalitarianism.

Guilt:  They make you feel so guilty that you hate yourself, lose hope and self confidence. Example: you are 80 million human beings, you keep reproducing, you are the reason we can’t feed you, you are the reason of the bad education, you are the reason that the country is poor and you stole the pants of Homer Simpson! They make you reach a state of self-betrayal.

Breaking Point:  That’s when you are nothing but a wreck, that’s when you are raw again, that’s when you keep wondering about who you are and what you should do, and of course they’ll have the answers for you, they’ll fill your head with what they want and persuade you to do what they want too.

What are the biggest lies in the reign of Mubarak?

Mubarak is the wisest leader one earth (no comment).

Without Mubarak, chaos will prevail, we don’t have others who can lead (you insult Egypt and the whole Egyptian nation by saying this, there’s no single man with leadership skills and political awareness among 80 million citizens? epic fail).

Mubarak is the hero of the 6th of October war (Did Mubarak make the war plan? Did he fight in field or in air? Army leaders do not fight as I know, true heroes are those who died, got injured, and are those who fought).

The reason for all the problems in Egypt is that Egyptians make love everyday and bring new babies to the crowded country (I’m against having many babies but for god’s sake! Some countries exceed the double of our population, have less resources of income and they are living in prosperity, democracy and peace).

We can’t open our borders with Palestine because all Palestinians will leave their land to settle here and destroy our economy (no comment).

Uncountable lies, no space or time to mention all of them.

Prevention is better than treatment, how can we protect ourselves from Brainwashing?

Always make sure to write your goals in a notebook or something, always remember them, add to them, and edit them if necessary. Constantly visualize your goals.

Always smile, yes smile.

Stay positive and find the full half of the cup no matter what happens.

Stick to things that motivate you!

Pay more attention to your spiritual side.

Don’t be a loner! Make sure you have some good friends with some concepts, standards and goals in common between you and them.

Be more selective, throw your TV away and instead of letting them decide what you watch, go watch whatever “you” decide on the internet.

Who is Tariq al-Bishri?

Posted: 02/15/2011 by editormary in Egypt, Middle East, Middle East Issues, Religion
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from Nisralnasr blog

Tariq al-Bishri and Constitutional Revision

News that the Supreme Comittee of the Armed Forces has appointed the former judge of the State Council, Tariq al-Bishri,  as chair of a committee to re-write or revise the Egyptian constitution is remarkably important.  It may also provide some insight into what the military is thinking and what possibilities they are willing to consider.  For a process that we are only a couple of days into, this announcement itself is laden with historical meaning (and irony) as well as possible ambiguity.

Given that the ongoing labor conflict and the army’s advice that it end quickly is capturing most of the commentary, I want to write about Al-Bishri himself.  Even as I write state television is providing its own account of what his appointment might mean. 

The deepest irony which cannot be lost on anyone who has been following events and most of the Western accounts of them is that the armed forces have turned to an 80-year old public intellectual and judge to guide the task of re-writing the constitution for the 21st century in the wake of a revolution made by three generations removed from him.  What few accounts in English I have seen so far refer to him as a moderate Islamist, an honest figure, and a former secular leftist who is a “bridge” between secular political figures and the Muslim Brothers. 

Bishri himself is a more complex figure whose familial and personal history are revelatory of changes in Egyptian society over the last century.  His grandfather served in the position of Shaykh al-Azhar, the most important religious position in the Egypt, at the beginning of the 20th century.  His father was on the Court of Cassation, the highest state appellate court in the 1930s.  He himself spent his entire working career in the State Council which is the highest administrative court in Egypt and is modeled on the French Conseil d’Etat.  There is, insofar as I know, no equivalent in the American legal system.  The job of the State Council is to ensure that the state follows its own rules.  It is not, at any rate not directly, supposed to rule on the constitutionality of laws in the way the US Supreme Court does.  It is supposed to make sure that the administrative actions of the state conform to the rules it has already set in place.   Although this is a somewhat different way of looking at the rule of law than the Anglo-American one we are used to, it can be a powerful tool for disciplining the executive power but only if there is indeed an independent judiciary.  Egypt, of course, also has a Supreme Constitutional Court and it appears that at least a couple of members of that body also sit on this committee.

Although Al-Bishri entered his career in the 1950s after graduating from law school he is old enough to have memories of what my old professor Afaf Marsot called Egypt’s liberal experiment.  Thus one of the ironies of appointing an 80 year old to chair the reform committee is that no one much younger has any memory or experience with an Egypt that had a functioning parliament or a commitment, however limited, to liberal institutions.  Younger people do, of course, have experiences with such systems but not in Egypt; to the extent that they have experienced liberal democracy it has been outside the country whether in the US or Europe. 

Bishri has been an acerbic critic of Husni Mubarak and his government.  In his presciently titled booklet, Egypt Between Disobedience and Decay, Bishri outlined how the creation of an authoritarian state rooted in Mubarak’s person had worsened the dictatorial tendencies that had been present since 1952 but had added the burden of decreased competence as the regime sought compliance rather than capability from its agents.  He also pointed out the extremely unequal income distribution that became increasingly prevalent in the society during Mubarak’s 30 years in power.

Bishri is widely considered a leading (if not the leading) public intellectual in Egypt today.  This is not to say everyone agrees with him and in recent years he has evoked some significant criticism for his involvement in some very public controversies about the role of Copts and especially the Church in Egyptian society. 

Bishri has served as an adviser to several groups of younger activists (and these days almost all activists are younger than he is) including Kifayah (Enough) which can be considered the point of departure of the groups that initiated and led the recent mass protests.  Although he is personally close to members of the Muslim Brothers (including the noted attorney Salim Al-Awa) and has a high opinion of their importance in Egyptian political history, he has (to my knowledge) never been a member.  He is often bracketed in Western accounts with others who are considered Islamic liberals such as Awa or the constitutional law professor Kamal Abu al-Magd who Mubarak, in the waning hours of his government, appointed to his own committee to oversee constitutional reform.  That committee now appears to be disbanded.

In his younger days, Bishri was closely associated with the left although he was influenced at least as much by the writings of Max Weber and lawyers associated with the British Labor party as by Karl Marx. One of Bishri’s earliest interventions on the organization of the Egyptian state was a short book published by the Communist publisher, New Culture, in the 1970s on democracy and Nasserism.  This may be why he is often viewed as a lapsed leftist, although his analysis of the Nasserist state set out the themes which have dominated much of his political criticism in the intervening years:  the dangers of a state without an independent judiciary and an overly power executive.  One point Bishri made then and has made in different ways since is that to the degree the legislative and executive branches are unified as has occurred in Egypt over the past 60 years the independence of the judiciary is also compromised.  In other words, without a separation of the powers of legislation and execution there can be no real power of adjudication except perhaps at the most elementary level of arbitrating private disputes.

Without knowing exactly what mandate the committee he chairs was given by the military, it is hard to be very specific.  Even television comment here today points out that al-Bishri has long been a champion of judicial independence.  It would be difficult for Bishri to refuse service on such a committee at such a moment but it is also difficult to imagine he would have accepted to serve merely as a figurehead.

One plausible guess therefore is that the committee will at least pose the possibility of a much stronger parliament as a counterweight (rather than an alternative) to a powerful presidency.  Bishri may be one of the few legal scholars who would favor a working separation of powers rather than lodging authority either in the presidency or the parliament.  Such a separation would, at least in what he has written across the years, be the prelude to an equally powerful but independent judiciary whose role would then be, as in the US, to balance these two contenders. 

Although al-Bishri may have ideas about the organization of the institutions of the state that bear similarities to the US he is a strong nationalist and by no means particularly enamored of American policies. He has very strong sentiments about the strategic dangers that he sees Israel posing to Egypt.  That said, Bishri himself is tasked with how the institutions of the state should be constituted not with the day to day policies they should follow.  Along with a profound concern with judicial independence he may also have two other goals.  One, which will command little direct objection in today’s Egypt, is to continue the policies of the provision of social welfare in ways that mirror concerns of a generation of European Social Democrats and Egyptian nationalists when he was a young man.  Bishri will probably push for a strongly independent judiciary in ways that both Antonin Scalia and Ruth Bader Ginsburg can agree with.  He is not likely to want the Egyptian state to adopt the vision of the economy that John Roberts, Samuel Alito or  Clarence Thomas would find compelling.  On the question of Islam he is extremely unlikely to push for excluding the revised Article 2 that shariah is the source of Egyptian law.  For better or worse he believes that most Egyptian law is already compliant with shariah and he generally argues that the role of shariah in Egyptian law is similar to that of natural law in European legal systems:  it provides judges (not so much legislators) with cues about what to do when the legislature has been silent or incoherent.  He does not seem inclined to allow the ulama (Islamic legal scholars) to interpret law for the regular judiciary except (and this is an important exception) in cases in which legislation has given them that authority. 

Bishri is profoundly antagonistic to the military tribunals and special courts as well as the state of emergency that the government has employed over the past decade.  Far more important for Egypt’s future, however, is his occasional suggestion (at least when he was much younger) of a very different vision of the Egyptian state:  one in which the high degree of centralization and hierarchy that currently characterizes it was sharply reduced.  What, in other words, if (without dismantling the current state which shares much in common with the various governments that issued from the French revolution) Egyptians were to gain much more authority to make decisions over their own lives?  Bishri will not (and I think very few Egyptians would)  propose transforming Egypt into a federal system whether on the American, German or Brazilian models.  But he might be interested in transferring power away from a hierarchical system centered in Cairo to one in which Egyptians gained more control over the institutions that affect their lives locally.  In some ways the past three weeks have confirmed some of Bishri’s earlier ideas that Egyptians could govern themselves if given the chance.  He now may be in a position to push that idea a little further forward.

By Khalil Bendib

By Khalil Bendib

Translated by: Adib S. Kawar and revised by Mary Rizzo

originally printed 12/5/2010 in PTT
The definition of despotism or oppression is very simple.

Despotism in the Greek language was equal to one man rule, a Greek citizen – whether he was a simple man or a member of the elite – did not make any differentiation between one man ruling in a magnanimous and open-minded way or not.

Now the word despotism is almost considered as out of use among the common public in the Western world – America and Europe – where they believe that democracy has spread and imposed its rule… and the one-man rule is out of existence in these countries.

But in spite of that we find in Europe and the United Sates, there are some who insist that despotism represents the overwhelming movement in these countries… Some writers demonstrate it with the fact that most people who live in these democracies do not contribute to democracy more than sometimes going to voting boxes to participate in elections. Other writers demonstrate the absence of actual democracy in these democracies by proving that most people – citizens in a more political expression – spend more of their time in playing cards than giving time thinking about state affairs.

Why should we go so far as to call the situation one of despotism? Isn’t it true that hundreds of thousands of citizens in these democracies organize demonstrations during certain crises to express their opposition to their democratic governments’ policies? After a few days or even weeks demonstrations stop – but the policies they demonstrated against and condemned continue to be implemented. How many hundreds of thousands march in American and European cities against waging war on Iraq before a single bullet had been fired, but the war was waged and continued during which all these tragedies were committed… and it was proved that it was not based on any legal basis even the claim of weapons of mass destruction that were never found, as well as the war that is still officially going on up till today’s date. Demonstrations could march here and there, but governments of democracies do not respond to these demonstrations protesting against their policies. On the contrary, they abide to the decisions of the orders of the chiefs of staffs of the armed forces, and those of the NATO. In spite of that, the general opinion is that these democracies execute the will of citizens who go to the ballot boxes.

The group that executed the war on Iraq and played within the press and outside it fell to an extent that made American voters who – the maximum sign of their rejection – go only as far as electing “a black man” for the first time in history for the presidency of the United States of America. George W. Bush who pushed America to wage the war on Iraq, and his successor did not come out of the neo-cons, but in spite of that, the “black man” chosen by the Americans continued with executing orders of the chiefs of staff, and decided on proceeding with the Afghanistan war, and threatens to wage a more fierce war against Iran.

Then when would the citizens of these democracies execute their own will?!

It seems that this opportunity shall never offer itself under the two party political system in existence in the United States. And U.S. citizens shall proceed with their ordinary social life and their private personal social affairs… while the governing elite continues with imposing their policies in disregard of the extent the citizens may show opposition to them – including opposition to wars – the expenses of which are born by citizens and not by the political elites.

Thus the difference is not enormous, it’s not even felt between these democracies and despotic regimes found outside the United States and Europe. This is what we see. But the fact is proved when you try to compare internal and external policies, then one would discover that the share of foreign policies is small, it is even almost not available, in comparison with internal policies.

American and European citizens similarly – do not see that the distance between them and the influence on the trend of foreign policy of their country is so great to an extent that they cannot be overpassed, neither through street demonstrations no matter how vast they may be, nor from the side of freedom of thought, however well expressed in the media they may be. Up till now there is no logical explanation or convincing argument for the continuity of the alliance with “Israel”, not even America’s and Europe’s interests with Arabs. There is no logical or convincing explanation for the ability of American rulers, from the extreme right to the current president, Barack Obama, who is accused of leftism and socialism by his political racist foes, to swallow the Zionist entity’s challenges not only against American interests but also against America’s strategies, and the continuation in giving its unlimited support and the means to implement this entity’s security and foreign policy… including its ownership of nuclear weapons arsenal and refusal to sign the treaty to ban them.

Foreign policy became a private privilege for the ruling elite in the ruling democracies… Tomorrow, the British could elect the conservatives (which they already did / the translator), because the Labour policy was not by any means for the labuorer, but what is certain is that the conservative government when it comes shall adopt the Labour government’s position in relation to foreign policy. And the democratic British citizens should know that their country’s participation in the Afghani war and the Zionist entity’s security, strategic and colonization options are not the matters they can alter.

And we are in no better condition in the Arab homeland.

But with one important difference, which is that these Arab despotic regimes that are in power in this homeland and who are keeping it divided are not allowing large mass demonstrations in our cities’ streets to declare their opinions concerning our rulers’ internal and foreign policies.

We in the Arab homeland are in a much worse position, though we, as citizens and masses, have no influence with regard to foreign policies (Arab policies too are similar and equal to international policies) as we, to start with, lack the privilege of having the right to approach and interfere the authority’s decisions related to both foreign and local policies.

The ability of oppression Arab governments have in relation to foreign policies greatly exceeds what Western democracies have in hand, in later years clear double standards prevailed in the policies followed by most Arab governments. Arab thinkers, public policy makers and writers in general can express their opinions with almost unlimited freedom. There is liberty of expression at the time when these Arab governments granted themselves the right of ignoring what is said… especially if what is said contains specific demands. The general rule is now that you can say whatever you want concerning conditions that you reject, and I can “do” what I want concerning conditions both you accept and you reject.

With the exception of when a thinker, writer or journalist is not threatened with imprisonment, arrest or trial as we understand them and is permitted to express himself by the ruling elites. This is while the right of free expression went to the extent to include various forms complaints that were not in the past included through demonstrations and sit ins, while authorities reserved for themselves the right of confronting protests with tear gas bombs, water cannons, overhead firing, taking some of the protesters for private investigations.

The issue of “Despotic Tolerance” – if we permit ourselves to borrow this expression from the American philosopher of German descent, Herbert Marcuse, the thinker whose name was connected with the student revolution of the sixties and seventies of the twentieth century – that was considered by some of the ruling elite a “danger” that threatens the “homeland”… which actually means a danger against the authority. And we have seen how a group of the Egyptian ruling party members had requested the “People’s Council” (The parliament) to fire with live bullets at the demonstrators because “they exceeded the allowed limits…”. From one side they don’t deserve the mercy that security forces show them, and from the other they are “communists”, “mercenaries” and “thieves”, and this demand to open fire at them with the aim of killing them is a splendid opportunity for the ruling elite to provoke their zealot children to prove their tolerance is wide enough for demonstrations, but doesn’t accept those participating in them, but just to disperse them and force them to retreat by force!

In spite of that, ruling regimes consider foreign policies a taboo domain for citizens to cross to… They can complain about the high cost of living, corruption and in general the downfall of health, human and educational services, but it shall always be a taboo to approach the conditions and the melancholies of foreign policies.

It is a taboo for Arab citizens to demonstrate against Zionist threats to wage a war against Syria, Lebanon or Gaza, it is forbidden for them to reach Zionist embassies in Cairo and/or Amman to protest against the Zionist entity’s decision to expel 75,000 Palestinian Arabs from the West Bank (the land of the anticipated Palestinian state) to Gaza (the big prisons of Palestinians in which they live under siege from all sides). They are not allowed to negatively demonstrate against the policies of Arab summit meetings and their effeteness whenever they meet in ordinary or extraordinary meetings, and their everlasting submission to the American/”Israeli” demands.

Arab authorities curbing in relation to Arab foreign policies is more dangerous than that in local affairs.

All Arab governments that concluded peace with the Zionist entities – whether they signed treaties or not yet – are interested in showing that they can pay the price internally. This is what is demanded by America before being demanded by the Zionist entity. They are asked (not to say ordered) to prove that they are able to crush any opposition to peace with “Israel”, and any support to resistance against it. And within the framework of proving this ability, meetings are taking place with the “Israeli” prime minister, his minister of defense or whoever “Israel” wishes to delegate.

How would Barack Obama’s policies in relation to “Israel” and Palestinians become bearable if they are not approved by the rulers of Egypt, Jordan and the “Palestinian Authority”. If Benjamin Netanyahu is not welcomed in Cairo (Sharm EL-Sheikh is better for weather and security wise) whenever he wishes?! Is this not alone proof that the peace process is “passing” without stopping?

We don’t hear about a demonstration against a visit by Netanyahu because this falls within the framework of the outlawed.

Arab citizens in Egypt can demonstrate against the high cost of living, corruption and even against the possibility of president Mubarak to bequest the presidency to his son… but they cannot demonstrate against a visit by Netanyahu, or the steel wall on the Egyptian border with the Gaza Strip under siege, or be a supporter of Hezbollah or Hamas in confronting “Israel’s” threats with a devastating war.

This is the despotism of foreign policy during the era of “despotic tolerance” with matters of internal policies..

This could be a reflection of an involuntary perception within the Arab despotic regimes concerning Arab policies are not within the affairs of foreign “policy”…. On the contrary it is an integral part of the internal policy. But the ruling elite categorizes it as foreign to keep it outside the framework of “despotic tolerance”?!

Didn’t we say that matters were simpler during the old days of Greece while defining despotism?

وراء التسامح الاستبدادي 

 

سمير كرم

كان تعريف الطغيان أو الاستبداد بسيطا للغاية.
كان الاستبداد معادلا في اللغة اليونانية لحكم الرجل الواحد. ولم يكن المواطن اليوناني ـ سواء كان إنسانا بسيطا أو عضواً في النخبة العليا ـ يفرق في هذا بين رجل واحد يحكم بعقل مستنير أو رجل يحكم بعقل منغلق.
والآن تكاد كلمة استبداد أن تختفي من الاستخدام العام بين جماهير الناس في العالم الغربي ـ أميركا وأوروبا ـ حيث يسود الاعتقاد أن الديموقراطية قد حلت وفرضت أحكامها… وانه لم يعد وجود في هذه الدول لنظام حكم الرجل الواحد.
مع ذلك ستجد في أوروبا وفي الولايات المتحدة الأميركية من يؤكد أن الاستبداد يمثل التيار السائد حتى في هذه الدول… ويدلل بعض الكتاب على ذلك بأن معظم الناس الذين يعيشون في هذه الديموقراطيات لا يفعلون للديموقراطية أكثر من انهم يذهبون الى صناديق الاقتراع أحيانا. ويدلل كتاب آخرون على غياب الديموقراطية فعلا في هذه الديموقراطيات بأن معظم الناس ـ المواطنين بتعبير سياسي أكثر ـ يعطون وقتهم للعب الورق أكثر مما يعطون للتفكير في شؤون الدولة.

ولماذا نذهب بعيدا؟ أليس صحيحا أن مئات الآلاف من مواطني هذه الديموقراطيات ينظمون التظاهرات في أوقات أزمات معينة لتسجيل اعتراضهم على سياسات حكوماتهم الديموقراطية، وتنقضي التظاهرات ـ بعد أيام أو حتى أسابيع ـ ولكن السياسات التي يعترضون عليها تستمر؟ كم تظاهر مئات الآلاف في المدن الكبرى الأميركية والأوروبية ضد شن الحرب على العراق قبل أن تطلق فيه رصاصة واحدة ولكن الحرب وقعت واستمرت وارتكبت فيها كل المآسي… بل تبين أنها لم تستند إلى أي أساس قانوني وحتى أسلحة الدمار الشامل لم يظهر لها أثر. ولا تزال هذه الحرب ـ رسميا ـ مستمرة حتى اليوم. وقد تقع تظاهرات هنا أو هناك ولكن حكومات الديموقراطيات لا تستجيب للمظاهرات، بل تستجيب لقرارات رئاسات أركان القوات المسلحة وقيادات حلف الأطلسي.
ويسود الظن مع ذلك بأن هذه الديموقراطيات تنفذ بالنهاية إرادة المواطنين يوم يذهب هؤلاء إلى صناديق الاقتراع. ولقد سقطت المجموعة السياسية التي صنعت حرب العراق ولعنت في الإعلام وخارج الإعلام… سقطت إلى حد دفع بالناخبين الأميركيين ـ لتأكيد مدى رفضهم ـ إلى انتخاب «رجل أسود» لأول مرة ليكون رئيسا لهم. راح جورج بوش الرجل الذي دفع بأميركا إلى حرب العراق ولم يأت خليفة له من مجموعة المحافظين الجدد. مع ذلك فإن «الرجل الأسود» الذي اختاره الأميركيون رئيسا يواصل الاستجابة لقرارات رؤساء الأركان ويقرر أن يواصل حرب أفغانستان وان يهدد بحرب أعنف وأوسع ضد إيران.
متى ينفذ سكان الديموقراطيات إذاً إراداتهم؟
يبدو أن مثل هذه الفرصة لا تسنح أبدا في ظل نظام الحزبين القائم في الولايات المتحدة الأميركية. ويواصل المواطنون حياتهم المعتادة الاجتماعية وحرياتهم الفردية والجماعية… بينما تواصل النخب الحاكمة فرض سياساتها مهما كانت درجة معارضة المواطنين لها. ومع أن نفقات هذه السياسات ـ بما فيها الحروب ـ تقع على عاتق المواطنين لا على عاتق النخب(…)

الفرق إذا ليس هائلا، بل ليس حتى ملموسا بين تلك الديموقراطيات والنظم الاستبدادية الموجودة غالبا خارج الإطار الأميركي ـ الأوروبي. هكذا يبدو. إنما تتأكد هذه الحقيقة عندما نحاول أن نفرق بين السياسات الداخلية والخارجية هنا وهناك. عندئذ نكتشف أن نصيب السياسات الخارجية ضئيل، بل لا يكاد يكون له وجود، بالمقارنة مع نصيب السياسات الداخلية.
ان المواطن الاميركي ـ والمواطن الاوروبي بالمثل ـ لا يدرك ان المسافة بينه وبين التأثير على توجهات السياسة الخارجية لبلاده شاسعة الى حد انه لا يستطيع أن يجتازها، لا من خلال تظاهرات الشوارع مهما بلغت ضخامتها، ولا من خلال حرية الرأي مهما اتضحت في وسائط الإعلام. وحتى الآن ليس هناك تفسير منطقي أو مقنع لاستمرار سياسة التحالف مع إسرائيل حتى ومصالح أميركا وأوروبا مع العرب. ليس هناك تفسير منطقي أو مقنع لقدرة الحكام الأميركيين، من أقصى اليمين الى الرئيس الحالي باراك أوباما، المتهم باليسارية والاشتراكية من قبل خصومه السياسيين والعنصريين، على ابتلاع تحديات اسرائيل لمصالح أميركا بل تحدي الاستراتيجية الاميركية، والاستمرار في تقديم كل الدعم بلا تردد لأمن اسرائيل واستراتيجيتها وسياستها الخارجية… بما في ذلك امتلاكها ترسانة من الاسلحة النووية ورفضها التوقيع على معاهدة حظرها.
لقد أصبحت السياسة الخارجية امتيازا خاصا بالنخب الحاكمة في الديموقراطيات الحاكمة… وغدا، قد ينتخب البريطانيون حكومة من المحافظين، لان سياسة حزب العمال لم تكن عمالية بأي حال، ولكن الامر المؤكد أن حكومة المحافظين البريطانية عندما تأتي ستنتهج سياسة حكومة العمال البريطانية في المجالات الخارجية. وسيتعين على مواطني الديموقراطية البريطانية أن يعرفوا أن مشاركة بلادهم في حرب أفغانستان وفي خيارات إسرائيل الامنية والاستراتيجية والاستيطانية ليست أبدا من الامور التي يمكنهم تغييرها.

ولسنا أحسن حالا في الوطن العربي.
لكن مع فارق مهم هو أن النظم الاستبدادية العربية التي تحكم هذا الوطن وتبقي عليه مجزأً لا تسمح بتظاهرات جماهيرية واسعة النطاق لتخرج الى شوارع المدن تعلن رأيها بسياسات الحكام الداخلية والخارجية.
نحن في الوطن العربي أسوأ حالا بكثير. وان كنا لا نملك أي تأثير ـ كمواطنين أو كجماهير ـ على السياسات الخارجية (العربية ايضا سياسات خارجية مثلها مثل العالمية)، فإننا لا نملك أصلا ميزة الاقتراب من قرارات السلطات المتعلقة بالسياسات الخارجية أو السياسات الداخلية.
قدرة القمع التي تملكها الحكومات العربية في ما يتعلق بالسياسات الخارجية التي تنتهجها تفوق كثيرا تلك التي تملكها حكومات الديموقراطيات الغربية.
ولقد سادت في السنوات الأخيرة ازدواجية واضحة في السياسات التي تنتهجها الحكومات العربية في معظمها. أصبح بإمكان المفكرين والكتاب، وصانعي الرأي العام بصورة عامة، ان يعبروا عن آرائهم بقدر كبير من الحرية. اتسع نطاق حرية الرأي في الوقت الذي منحت هذه الحكومات العربية لنفسها حق تجاهل ما يقال … خاصة اذا تضمن مطالب محددة. أصبحت القاعدة السائدة ان بإمكانك ان «تقول» ما تشاء عن الأوضاع التي ترفضها وبإمكاني أن «أفعل» ما أشاء بشأن كل الأوضاع ما تقبله وما ترفضه على السواء.
إلا في حالات قليلة لا يكون المفكر أو الكاتب أو الصحافي مهددا بالسجن أو الاعتقال أو المحاكمة اذا استخدم حرية الرأي كما تفهمها وتسمح بها النخبة الحاكمة. بل ان حرية التعبير امتدت لتشمل أشكالا لم تكن تشملها من قبل من الاحتجاج عن طريق التظاهرات والاعتصامات، فيما احتفظت السلطات بحق التصدي لهذه الاحتجاجات بقنابل الغاز المسيلة للدموع وخراطيم المياه وإطلاق الرصاص في الهواء فوق الرؤوس.. وسحب عدد من الأفراد الى تحقيقات خاصة بعيدا عن الأعين.

وصل أمر «التسامح الاستبدادي» ـ اذا سمحنا لأنفسنا باستعارة هذا التعبير من الفيلسوف الاميركي الالماني المولد هربرت ماركيوز، المفكر الذي ارتبط اسمه بالثورة الطلابية في ستينيات القرن العشرين وسبعينياته ـ الى حدود اعتبرها بعض من أعضاء النخبة الحاكمة خطرا على «الوطن»… والمقصود هو بالتحديد خطر على الحكم. وقد رأينا كيف أن مجموعة من أعضاء الحزب الوطني الحاكم في مصر طالبت في مجلس الشعب بإطلاق الرصاص الحي على المتظاهرين المحتجين لأنهم تجاوزوا حدود المسموح من ناحية .. ولأنهم لا يستحقون الرأفة التي تظهرها معهم قوات الأمن، فهم «شيوعيون» و«مأجورون» و«لصوص». وكانت هذه المطالبة بإطلاق النار على المتظاهرين بهدف قتلهم فرصة ما أروعها للنخبة الحاكمة لتخاصم أبناءها الغيورين فتثبت أن تسامحها يتسع للتظاهرات ولا يقتل المشتركين فيها بل يشتتهم ويجبرهم على التراجع بالقوة.
مع ذلك فإن استبداد النظم الحاكمة تعتبر قرارات السياسة الخارجية مجالا محظورا على المواطنين… هؤلاء يمكنهم أن يحتجوا على الغلاء، وعلى الفساد، وعلى انهيار الخدمات الصحية والتعليمية والإنسانية بوجه عام، لكن يبقى ـ وسيبقى ـ محظوراً عليهم الاقتراب من أمور السياسة الخارجية وشؤونها وشجونها.
محظر على المواطنين العرب التظاهر ضد تهديدات إسرائيل بشن حرب على سوريا أو على لبنان أو على غزة. محظور عليهم الوصول الى السفارة الاسرائيلية في القاهرة أو في عمان للاحتجاج على قرار إسرائيل بطرد 75 الف فلسطيني من الضفة الغربية (ارض الدولة الفلسطينية المأمولة) الى غزة (سجن الفلسطينيين الكبير الذي يعيشون فيه تحت الحصار من كل اتجاه). محظور عليهم التظاهر ضد سلبية القمم العربية وتخاذلها كلما اجتمعت ـ في دورة عادية أو استثنائية ـ واستعدادها الدائم للرضوخ لمطالب أميركا/اسرائيل.

القمع السلطوي العربي في شؤون السياسة الخارجية العربية أخطر منه في شؤون السياسة الداخلية.
ان كل حكومة عربية أقامت سلاما مع اسرائيل ـ سواء وقعت معاهدة أو ليس بعد ـ يهمها أن تبدو قادرة على تحمل دفع هذا الثمن داخليا. فهذا مطلوب منها أميركيا قبل ان يكون اسرائيليا. مطلوب منها أن تظهر قادرة على سحق أي معارضة للسلام مع اسرائيل وسحق أي تأييد للمقاومة ضد اسرائيل. وفي إطار إثبات هذه القدرة تتم اللقاءات مع رئيس الوزراء الاسرائيلي أو مع وزير دفاعه أو مع من تشاء اسرائيل إيفاده.
كيف تصبح سياسات باراك أوباما تجاه اسرائيل والفلسطينيين محتملة اذا لم تكن تحظى بالتأييد من جانب حكام مصر والاردن والسلطة الفلسطينية. اذا لم يكن بنيامين نتنياهو يستقبل في القاهرة (شرم الشيخ أفضل مناخيا وأمنيا) في أي وقت يشاء؟ أليس هذا دليلا وحده على ان عملية السلام «ماشية» لم تتوقف؟
ولا نسمع عن تظاهرة ضد زيارة نتنياهو لان هذا يدخل في إطار المحظور.
يستطيع المواطن العربي في مصر أن يتظاهر ضد الغلاء والفساد وحتى ضد التوريث… لكنه لا يستطيع أن يتظاهر ضد زيارة نتنياهو، أو ضد الحاجز الفولاذي على حدود مصر مع غزة المحاصرة، أو يكون مؤيدا لحزب الله أو حماس في مواجهة التهديدات الاسرائيلية بحرب مدمرة.
هذا هو استبداد السياسة الخارجية في عهد التسامح الاستبدادي مع قضايا السياسة الداخلية.
ربما يكون هذا انعكاسا لإدراك لا شعوري داخل نظم الاستبداد العربية بأن ما يتعلق بالسياسات العربية ليس من شؤون السياسة “الخارجية”… بل هو من صميم السياسة الداخلية. لكن النخبة الحاكمة تصنفها خارجية لتبقيها خارج إطار التسامح الاستبدادي؟
ألم نقل كانت الأمور أبسط كثيرا في أيام اليونان القديمة في تعريف الاستبداد؟